奥巴马俄罗斯毕业典礼演讲(中英对照)

发布时间:2011-09-29 共4页

  We see that progress here at NES -- a school founded with Western support that is now distinctly Russian; a place of learning and inquiry where the test of an idea is not whether it is Russian or American or European, but whether it works. Above all, we see that progress in all of you -- young people with a young century to shape as you see fit.
  我们在这里——在新经济学院,看到了这种进步。这个在西方支持下成立的学院如今具有鲜明的俄罗斯特色,成为从事研究与探索的学府;在这里,检验一个理念的标准不在于它是俄罗斯的、美国的、还是欧洲的,而是看它是否行得通。最重要的是,我们从你们所有人——将按自己的意愿去塑造一个年轻世纪的年轻人——身上看到这种进步。
  Your lifetime coincides with this era of transition. But think about the fundamental questions asked when this school was founded. What kind of future is Russia going to have? What kind of future are Russia and America going to have together? What world order will replace the Cold War? Those questions still don't have clear answers, and so now they must be answered by you -- by your generation in Russia, in America, and around the world. You get to decide. And while I cannot answer those questions for you, I can speak plainly about the future that America is seeking.
  你们恰恰生活在这个转变的时代。想一想在这个学院刚成立时所提出的一些基本问题:俄罗斯将有什么样的未来?俄罗斯和美国将有什么样的共同未来?会有什么样的世界秩序取代冷战?对这些问题仍然没有明确的答案,因此它们必须由你们来回答——由在俄罗斯、美国和全世界的你们这一代人来回答。决定将由你们作出。虽然我无法替你们回答这些问题,但我可以明了地谈一谈美国正在寻求的未来。
  To begin with, let me be clear: America wants a strong, peaceful, and prosperous Russia. This belief is rooted in our respect for the Russian people, and a shared history between our nations that goes beyond competition. Despite our past rivalry, our people were allies in the greatest struggle of the last century. Recently, I noted this when I was in Normandy -- for just as men from Boston and Birmingham risked all that they had to storm those beaches and scale those cliffs, Soviet soldiers from places like Kazan and Kiev endured unimaginable hardships to repeal -- to repel an invasion, and turn the tide in the east. As President John Kennedy said, "No nation in history of battle ever suffered more than the Soviet Union in the Second World War."
  首先,我要清楚表明:美国希望有一个强、和平和繁荣的俄罗斯。这一信念植根于我们对俄罗斯人民的尊敬以及两国间超越竞争关系的共同历史。尽管两国曾互为对手,但两国人民在上一世纪最伟的斗争中互为联盟。最近,我在诺曼底(Normandy)时曾指出这一点:如同来自波士顿和伯明翰的战士奋不顾身攻上海滩、登上悬崖一样,来自喀山(Kazan)、基辅(Kiev)等地的苏联士兵忍受了难以想象的艰难困苦,取消了——击退了入侵,在东线扭转了局势。诚如约翰?肯尼迪(John Kennedy)总统所说,“在战争史上,任何国家都不曾遭受过苏联在二次世界战中所遭受的那种苦难。”
  So as we honor this past, we also recognize the future benefit that will come from a strong and vibrant Russia. Think of the issues that will define your lives: security from nuclear weapons and extremism; access to markets and opportunity; health and the environment; an international system that protects sovereignty and human rights, while promoting stability and prosperity. These challenges demand global partnership, and that partnership will be stronger if Russia occupies its rightful place as a great power.
  因此,在铭记这一历史的同时,我们也认识到一个强、富有生机的俄罗斯对未来的有益作用。想一想这些将决定你们生活的问题:不受核武器和极端主义伤害;市场准入和机会;卫生与环境;保护国家主权与人权并促进稳定与繁荣的国际体系。应对这些挑战必须靠全球合作,如果俄罗斯占在它应有的国位置上,这种合作关系会更为有力。
  Yet unfortunately, there is sometimes a sense that old assumptions must prevail, old ways of thinking; a conception of power that is rooted in the past rather than in the future. There is the 20th century view that the United States and Russia are destined to be antagonists, and that a strong Russia or a strong America can only assert themselves in opposition to one another. And there is a 19th century view that we are destined to vie for spheres of influence, and that great powers must forge competing blocs to balance one another.
  但是,令人遗憾的是,有时存在着一种感觉,认为昔日的设想,过去的思维方式一定占上风;一种基于过去而非基于未来的实力观。有一种20世纪的观念,认为美国与俄罗斯注定互为对手,认为一个强的俄罗斯或强的美国惟有在相互对立中才可显示自己的威力。还有一种19世纪的观念,认为我们注定要争夺势力范围,认为国只有形成相互争夺的集团,才可达到平衡。
  These assumptions are wrong. In 2009, a great power does not show strength by dominating or demonizing other countries. The days when empires could treat sovereign states as pieces on a chess board are over. As I said in Cairo, given our independence, any world order that -- given our interdependence, any world order that tries to elevate one nation or one group of people over another will inevitably fail. The pursuit of power is no longer a zero-sum game -- progress must be shared.
  这些设想都是错误的。在2009年,一个强国不是靠控制或妖魔化其他国家显示实力。帝国可以将主权国家当棋盘上的棋子摆布的时代已经结束。如我在开罗所说,鉴于我们的独立,任何世界秩序——鉴于我们的相互依存,任何企图使一个国家或一个群体凌驾于另一个国家或另一群体之上的世界秩序必将失败。寻求实力不再是零和游戏——进步必须共享。
  That's why I have called for a "reset" in relations between the United States and Russia. This must be more than a fresh start between the Kremlin and the White House -- though that is important and I've had excellent discussions with both your President and your Prime Minister. It must be a sustained effort among the American and Russian people to identify mutual interests, and expand dialogue and cooperation that can pave the way to progress.
  这就是我呼吁“重启”美俄关系的理由所在。这决不能仅限于克林姆林宫与白宫关系的新开端——尽管这一点很重要,我与贵国总统和总理分别就此举行了极好的讨论。这必须是美俄两国人民的持久努力,以明确双方的共同利益,扩对话与合作,从而为取得进步铺平道路。
  This will not be easy. It's difficult to forge a lasting partnership between former adversaries, it's hard to change habits that have been ingrained in our governments and our bureaucracies for decades. But I believe that on the fundamental issues that will shape this century, Americans and Russians share common interests that form a basis for cooperation. It is not for me to define Russia's national interests, but I can tell you about America's national interests, and I believe that you will see that we share common ground.
  这不是容易办到的事。对于以往相互抗衡的对手而言,相互建立持久的伙伴关系有很的困难,改变我们的政府和官僚机构数十年来形成的根深蒂固的习惯势力,任务也十分艰巨。但我相信在决定本世纪走向的基本问题上,美国人民与俄罗斯人民拥有共同的利益,从而提供了合作的基础。俄罗斯的国家利益用不着我来阐释,但我可以告诉你们,美国的国家利益是什么。我相信你们会发现我们拥有共同的基点。
  First, America has an interest in reversing the spread of nuclear weapons and preventing their use.
  首先,逆转核武器扩散的趋势,防止核武器的使用,是美国的利益所在。
  In the last century, generations of Americans and Russians inherited the power to destroy nations, and the understanding that using that power would bring about our own destruction. In 2009, our inheritance is different. You and I don't have to ask whether American and Russian leaders will respect a balance of terror -- we understand the horrific consequences of any war between our two countries. But we do have to ask this question: We have to ask whether extremists who have killed innocent civilians in New York and in Moscow will show that same restraint. We have to ask whether 10 or 20 or 50 nuclear-armed nations will protect their arsenals and refrain from using them.
  上一个世纪,美国和俄罗斯的几代人继承了可以毁灭其他国家的力量,同时也认识到使用这种力量也会造成自身的毁灭。2009年,我们传承的是完全不同的事物。你和我都不必提出这样的问题:美国和俄罗斯领导人是否将奉行恐怖的均势──我们了解,我们两国之间发生任何战争,都将产生悲惨的结局。但我们确实有必要问这样一个问题:我们有必要问一问,在纽约和莫斯科杀害无辜平民的极端主义分子会不会表现同样的克制。我们有必要问一问,10个、20个,或者50个有核武装的国家是否会保障本国核武库的安全并避免使用核武器。
  This is the core of the nuclear challenge in the 21st century. The notion that prestige comes from holding these weapons, or that we can protect ourselves by picking and choosing which nations can have these weapons, is an illusion. In the short period since the end of the Cold War, we've already seen India, Pakistan, and North Korea conduct nuclear tests. Without a fundamental change, do any of us truly believe that the next two decades will not bring about the further spread of these nuclear weapons?
  这就是21世纪核挑战的核心问题。认为拥有这些核武器就能提高自己的地位,或认为一旦确认和鉴别哪些国家可以拥有这些核武器,我们就能保护自己,都?不切实际的幻想。在冷战结束后的短时期内,我们已经看到印度、巴基斯坦和北韩进行了核试验。如果不发生根本性的变化,我们中间有谁真正相信今后20年不会出现核武器的进一步扩散?

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